The origins and practice of debaa singing

Historical origins
Debaa was originally the family name of Abdurahmân ibn ‘Alî al-Dayba’ or al-Dayba’î, famous in the 15th century, as a historian, writer and traditionalist. He was born in the Yemen on the 4th of Muharram, 866, a Hegira date which corresponds to the 8th of October, 1461 in the Christian era. Al-Dayba’î was especially well-known in the Indian Ocean for his compilations of poems and his writing of mawlid, mystic accounts of the Prophet’s birth and other events associated with his life. Biographical research has found the word “dayba’
” to mean “white, clear-skinned” in one of the languages of East Africa.

Etymological origins
Debaa (or deba), synonymous of qasîda in the Comoros Islands, is a term used for the singing of mystical poetry. To this day, it still refers to a type of male singing accompanied with drums, with no specific choreography. Apparently, the name debaa simply grew from the practice of singing songs from the published works of Abdurahmân al-Dayba’. Poems and narratives from those compilations can be rightly supposed to be the inspirational source of debaa tradition. Singing Dayba (debaa) is a bit like saying singing “Brel” or “Brassens”. It means: “singing the epic poems of al-Dayba’”. As yet, we have no evidence as to whether al-Dayba’ actually sang himself, but this information would be invaluable. Today, a collection of narratives and poems bearing the name of al-Dayba’ is still one of the main sources of debaa singing. My hypothesis is that the 15th century erudite gradually became identified with the singing of the poems and mawlid narratives he had compiled.

Debaa, sufism and the koranic school

Sufi influence in the Indian Ocean was also marked by three other factors. Firstly, since the 16th century, several members of the families of Bâ-Alawî, Djamal al-Layl and Abû Bakr Ben Salim had immigrated to the Comoros Islands. This subsequently led to the establishment of five Sufi brotherhoods in the Comoros: the ‘Alawiyya, the Qâdiriyya, the Shâdhiliyya, the Rifâ’iyya and the Dandarawiyya. Once these waves of immigration were further reinforced by voyagers continually transiting on the Islands of the Moon or by local inhabitants commuting to East Africa and the Arabian Peninsula, the influences of Sufism were firmly established. Then began the organized teaching of panegyric works in honor of the Prophet including, amongst others, the volume of al-Barzandji and the Burda of al-Bûsayrî (608-695 in Hegira / 1213-1295)i .
Practiced originally by men of the Rifâ’iyya brotherhood, the implantation of debaa in Mayotte dates from the first half of the 20th century, around the 1920s. This was the work of the disciples of Sheik Ahmad ibn Muhammad Khamîs al-Hadramî, alias “Ahmad Afandî”, all dignitaries of the Ar-Rifâ’iyya brotherhood, originally from Anjouan, who spent some time on Mayotte. These disciples were, amongst others, Foundiii Ali Mohamed, Sheik Abdou Salim Makolo, Sheik Moussa Attoumani (from Sada) and Sheik Bacar Deba (from Bouéni).
In the 1930s, Foundi Abdourahamane, who goes by the name of Sheik Subra, was designated by his master to be responsible, in Mayotte, for children’s education in jurisprudence (fiqh), Arabic, and in the art of chanting the Koran (tajwîd).
Thus, among other missions, the qasîda were taught in the villages of Pamandzi and Mtsapéré. People came from all around to be initiated.
Koranic schools, entrusted with transmission of the art of singing qasîda mystic poems, played a fundamental role in encouraging the practice. Certain days or afternoons were even reserved for activities of this kind around which, even today, nearly everything else is organized. It is true that one can still find an occasional shamaiii devoted to the singing of debaa outside the context of the transmission of the Holy Book, but these are few and far between.

From the ways of sufism to women’s voices

The transmission of qasîda was opened at this time to women, allowing them to become involved with and practice this art. With regard to the daîraiv shâdhili, daîra rifâ’î and mlidi, Sufi ceremonies of local brotherhoods in which the debaa shares the same body of texts, debaa or shenge were not admitted to the strictly ritual part led by a Sheik and a Khalifa. Generally, the genre managed to group together all the existent ways of Sufism, since in practice, the poems of the latter nourished the debaa and not just those of the Tarîqa rifâ’iyya. Some associations used more songs from the Tarîqa qâdiriyya, or the wise sayings of Sakandarîv. It is true that the Tarîqa shâdhiliyya of Mayotte, not having introduced the drum into its practices, tends to be reticent about using poems within the brotherhood in other rites that use this instrument. Within debaa practice, all repertoires are considered equally.
The influence of the way of qâdirî is quite substantial in debaa, especially in regard to choreography which is evidently linked to the practice of mlidi, a ceremony of the brotherhood. If we could advance that debaa is of rifâ’i origin, we could also presume it is of Sufi inspiration –globally– since it includes the texts of several Sufi ways; it also belongs to qâdirî practice through its choreography. A simple biographical analysis of the texts allows us to realize this, along with a comparison of the gestures used; and this is a touch of local color rather important to remember.
With the shenge, the debaa has become a musical genre very popular with women. It is an occasion to rejoice and share moments of happiness. Adorned in their most beautiful jewelry and wearing their best robes, women perform with movements of the head and the arms that correspond to very precise figures.
For the women of Mayotte, anything is a pretext for organizing a debaa: a return from a pilgrimage to Mecca (hadj), a birthday, a wedding, the feasts of Aïd, passing exams, to only cite a few occasion. The debaa is an ever-present source of inspiration waiting to be aroused. Still today, it is the women of Mayotte who lead a preponderant role in the definitive insertion of the choreographic practices of this musical genre in the south-west sector of the Indian Ocean.

The themes of debaa

The themes of debaa are those of mystic poems invoking Allah, glorifying the Prophet, praising the saintly men, reminding of ethically moral behavior, singing of love, etc. These same poems are accompanied on drums and declaimed during commemorative ceremonies of mawlid, the birth of the Prophet.

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Mayotte: musical and cultural practices in the South-West of the Indian Ocean

Historical origins

In their great diversity, the countries and islands of the south western zone of the Indian Ocean share cultural elements and history that are being continually renewed. The Comoros Islands and Madagascar began to be populated in the first millennium of our era. It is generally admitted that this population grew from a fusion of African (Bantu) and Indo-Melanesian peoples. From the last centuries of this era, Arab navigators decisively marked the history and culture of these islands with an influence that also affected the eastern coast of the African continent. The encounter between Arab and Bantu civilizations gave birth to the Swahili culture. By the 15th century, when Europeans began to frequent the region, Swahili culture was already firmly in place. Languages spoken in the Comoros ­–apart from the Kibushi of Mayotte– belong for example to the Kiswahili family used in a part of continental Africa. The presence of different cultures and the existence of inter-racial exchange prior to colonization are essential facets which distinguish Madagascar and the Comoros from other Creole islands of the western Indian Ocean.

On the other hand, the Mascareignes (Réunion Island, Mauritius, Rodrigues) and the Seychelles have a recent history: the colonial period. Their peopling began with the deportation of Africans from the continent and Madagascans. Creole societies were born from the fusion of inhabitants of the Indian Ocean with Europeans, to which must be added, for some, the progressive introduction of Asian and Arab Muslim peoples.

The multicultural roots of Mayotte

The population of the Comoros had a culture of Bantu origins before the advent, in the 9th century, of Islam. Different writings relate how these four islands were the scene of much conflict once the sultans arrived. Despite the specificity of each island and their deeply rooted ancient rivalries, there is nonetheless a clear cultural identity proper to the archipelago. This is also evident in their musical practices and patrimony. Genres like the chigôma, the tari and the dahira, for example, show the richness of both African heritage and Arab Muslim influence.
Over the centuries, this conflict led Mayotte to gradually differentiate itself from the ensemble on several points: administrative, cultural… It was the first island to opt for integration with France (25th April, 1841). Then, after the request for independence of the four islands in 1976, Mayotte manifested a will to remain French.
Furthermore, Mayotte is close to Madagascar and has a complicity with the latter that is an outcome of their common history. It is estimated for example that 30% of villages in Mayotte speak Kibushi, a Sakalava dialect of Madagascar. From a musical standpoint, the two islands have much in common, notably their instruments, rhythm, use of the human voice, musical genres…
In the contemporary context of globalization, the music of Mayotte is nourished by different sources, all of which prove enriching to its so-called traditional music. Over the years, Mayotte has hosted an array of styles like jazz, hip-hop, salegy, sega, maloya, coupé-décalé…

This marked openness of the musical culture of Mayotte is also reflected in the island’s use of several languages (Shimaor, Kibushi, French, Arabic, Swahili, Madagascan…) The feminine genre debaa featured on this recording is a perfect example of this multicultural aspect of Mayotte. The practice of debaa singing proved to be a unifying factor not only in its island of origin but also, progressively, throughout the south-west region of the Indian Ocean.

Esthetic and essence of the debaa genre

Debaa is a Moslem cultural practice and cult that is exclusively feminine, a mixture of music and dance. A form of the traditional Sufi genre called dhikr, debaa is a practice that has acquired enormous popularity, becoming one of the favorite pastimes of Mayotte. This “music-dance” plays an important role in the “traditional” education system of Mayotte where the majority of the population are practicing Moslems. Girls study the debaa in Koranic schools with foundi school-mistresses who teach the Koran, debaa and other Islamic musical practices. These institutions are often organized in the form of associations or social networks designed to teach the basic essentials of the art: texts (taken from the Koran or the sacred books), songs, rhythms, musical instruments and dance movements. Initially, this training also allows students to assimilate most of the island’s popular repertoire. Furthermore, this practice constitutes an expiatory rite performed during the period of Ramadan or a hymn of thanksgiving to God for a village feast. Debaa is most often performed in a highly decorated place: the bandra bandra. Different events are increasingly becoming pretexts for organizing debaa… the return from a pilgrimage to Mecca, for example, when dancing women will come to welcome home pilgrims landing on the island.

The aesthetic of debaa depends on a series of correlated, coherent elements: the beauty of the singing, rhythmic formulas used, the costumes and ornaments worn, usually an array of silver and gold finery. From a musical point of view there are certain basic characteristics. Each piece unfolds in two parts. The first, which can be considered as an introduction, is responsorial a capella singing between a soloist and the choir. Time is allowed to appreciate the female soloist who needs a powerful voice, clarity of diction and a range of vocal ornamentation including micro-intervals. More popular styles of singing, easier to put together, also have more open forms. Elements are assembled freely. Although polyphony does exist, songs are performed most often in unison and heterophony. This harmonic dimension is coherent with debaa: the harmony of body movement, the pleasure of sharing time and singing together. In the second part, the responsorial form is maintained, but generally the motifs are shorter. Gradually, the women’s choir becomes richer and louder. Until the arrival of the accompaniment: tari drums, little bells or kashakasha tambourines. Most of the women execute basic rhythmic formulas, the most usual being a 2-quaver figure. Rhythmic variants are added to this stable foundation. The best percussionists vary to a greater degree and create other formulas.

From a choreographic point of view, the debaa is fairly static: the feet hardly move at all. The upper parts of the body (torso, arms, head) perform the basic gestures. But many variations are executed on this foundation. Choreography espouses variations in tempo which occasionally slow right down to favor gestures that are graceful, refined… even minimalist. And occasionally, an acceleration in tempo manifests a form of collective exaltation. Each individual member will harmonize her gestures to those of the entire group. This is also a context where gestural movement is meant to embrace the music.
The women compose the debaa collectively: the author offers his initial work as a platform for others to add different elements. Even melody becomes collective. In this way, a repertoire in common is built up. Some pieces become real “hits”, though this without any commercial connotations. In debaa, the “hit” has a double-folded sociological dimension: something popular that also serves to bring the community together. In fact, the members of a group recognize themselves through their common practice.

Victor Randrianary, February 2010